Defence and Human Security
Posted on: January 9th, 2020 by Ernie Regehr
It is now
seemingly routine for pundits and security professionals to warn of an
impending militarized scramble for dominance over the lands, seas, and
resources of the Arctic, with Russia enjoying a formidable advantage – all
evidenced by the undeniable expansion of military facilities throughout the
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have ratcheted up the rhetoric, but little else has changed. The 2019 NATO
summit ignored the Arctic, and individual states like Canada and Norway are
sticking with a more nuanced and restrained posture on Arctic security. Continue reading at The
Simons Foundation.
Posted on: January 2nd, 2020 by Ernie Regehr
The
American commander of Norad claims that today’s security environment is
“more competitive and dangerous” than any in recent generations, and that makes
the case for modernizing the North Warning System. But upgrades to this
northern transcontinental line of surveillance radars—deployed in support of
sovereignty, air defence and frontier controls—are necessary regardless of
threat levels.
The NWS joins
Pacific and Atlantic coastal radars in monitoring air approaches to Canadian
territory. Norad and the Canadian Armed Forces track and identify some 200,000
civilian aircraft that approach or enter Canadian airspace annually. The
mission is to sort out which of those represent challenges to Canadian
security, law enforcement or public safety.
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“The point of
the NWS, is and will remain, domain awareness—awareness of events within and in
the approaches to Canadian territory—and modernization of the system should be
driven less by the return of “great power politics” and more by an
acknowledgement that domain awareness is as important in peacetime as in
crisis.”
…
See the debate at “Face
to Face” in Legion Magazine…
Posted on: July 9th, 2019 by admin
Ernie Regehr and Douglas Roche
GLOBE
AND MAIL
27 July 2019
The existence of 13,865 nuclear weapons
held by nine countries has not been enough, seemingly, to demonstrate political
power. Now science and technology are giving us faster, more precise methods of
destroying “the enemy.” The name of this new danger: “hypersonic” missiles.
The United States, Russia and China are
leading the way on the development of hypersonic missiles, purportedly capable
of travelling at more than 15 times the speed of sound and striking any target
in the world in a matter of minutes. They will be powerful enough to penetrate
any building with the force of three to four tonnes of TNT.
Although hypersonics are intended to carry
conventional explosives, as distinct from nuclear, that’s not the main threat
right now. Hypersonic missiles, conventional or nuclear, will be capable of
striking at an adversary’s nuclear arsenal. Given the very short warning times
of such attacks, states with nuclear weapons will have to assess how to respond
to such threats quickly, and may be tempted to bypass political consultation.
Their systems will also be placed on even higher levels of alert, increasing
paranoia and pressure.
And, of course, it is highly unlikely that
hypersonic weapons will stay “conventional.” Indeed, Russia is already boasting
that it can place nuclear warheads on its hypersonic missiles. We’re looking at
a world where catastrophic destruction is possible – and with unimaginable
speed.
If the world is getting to be a better
place, as so many indicators of progress reveal, how can we tolerate the
constant modernization of the killing process? Is our struggle ultimately
against particular weapons systems, or is it against humanity’s more
fundamental lust for perfecting the art of killing?
These are questions that are made relevant
again with the emergence of what The New York Times Magazine recently called
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there are no international agreements on how or when hypersonic missiles can be
used, nor are there any plans to start such discussions. Instead, he says, the
world now faces a new arms race with Russia and China – “one that could, some
experts worry, upend existing norms of deterrence and renew Cold War-era
tensions.”
The issue of hypersonic weapons should
highlight the growing urgency of reconstructing a reliable nuclear-arms control
regime. Such a system should place a legal obligation on all countries to
pursue and complete comprehensive negotiations for the elimination of nuclear
weapons. Stunningly, the reverse is happening: The U.S. and Russia continue to
violate their disarmament obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty, as they abandon other treaties.
Immediate steps are necessary. At a
minimum, keep nuclear warheads off hypersonics; remove all nuclear systems from
high-alert status to prevent false alarms from triggering nuclear catastrophe;
commence negotiations to control hypersonic weapons before the emerging
hypersonic arms race swings into a no-holds-barred contest among a small but
widening circle of countries.
Of course, the dismal state of nuclear
disarmament in this chaotic period of world history sometimes raises doubts
about the effectiveness of the nuclear disarmament movement. But the arrival of
the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which buttresses the nearly
50-year-old Non-Proliferation Treaty, highlights the deepening humanitarian
concern about the massive evil of nuclear weapons. Focusing only on nuclear disarmament
is not enough to ensure sustainable world peace, but as long as nuclear weapons
exist, there can be no world peace.
The new age of hypersonics reminds us that
the agenda for peace is very long. It already includes curbing global warming,
controlling cyberwarfare, promoting sustainable development, and continuing to
learn that human rights include the right to be free of warfare.
Hypersonic marks another milestone in the
development of instruments of warfare. We must respond by building a new
architecture for peace. And one cornerstone of that architecture remains the
abolition of nuclear weapons.
Ernie Regehr is chairman of Canadians
for a Nuclear Weapons Convention. Douglas Roche is a former senator and the
former Canadian ambassador for disarmament.
Posted on: July 2nd, 2019 by Ernie Regehr
July 2, 2019
by Legion Magazine
David J. Bercuson says “yes” and Ernie Regehr says “no.”
Read the debate at Legion Magazine.
Regehr side of the debate follows:
The secure and
uninterrupted operation of satellites has become an
essential requirement for contemporary civil-ian life and military
operations. Communications, earth observation, navigation, positioning and
scientific/technological advancement are all heavily dependent on
satellites that are increasingly vulnerable to space debris and deliberate
attack.
In the past two
years, new satellites were launched at the rate of more than one per day,
joining some 2,000-plus currently operational satellites, 3,000-plus defunct
satellites, and hundreds of thousands of pieces of debris that circle the
planet. Some 30,000 pieces of that celestial garbage measure more than 10
centimetres across and, travelling at 8 kilometres per second, a collision
means total destruction and still more debris.
Weaponization
of space consists of weapons aimed at space and weapons based in space. The
former is being actively pursued and the latter more tentatively, owing
primarily to complexity and cost. The United States, Russia, China and India
have demonstrated anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon capacity, while the two Koreas,
Japan, Iran and Israel are among states that could pursue ASAT
capabilities.
A weapon
deployed in space (for example, a weaponized laser beam)
would immediately become a very expensive sitting duck, for the same reasons
that any satellite is vulnerable to ASAT attack: they follow predictable
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The main result would be heightened insecurity
throughout space due to an accelerating rash of ASAT testing and deployment
that would surely follow.
The security
of assets in space ultimately depends on norms and political/legal instruments
to constrain both forms of weaponization, which is why non-weaponization of
space has been a widely supported international objective ever since Sputnik.
The 1967 Outer
Space Treaty bans the deployment of nuclear weapons in space. That treaty and
the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space both set out principles
meant to preserve space for exclusively peaceful purposes and to maintain it as
an operationally stable and safe environment.
Given the
currently low appetite for arms control, to put it kindly, those admirable
sentiments aren’t about to be converted into binding treaties. But there is
still room to build norms and encourage safer practices. For example, states
that remain intent on ASAT testing should at least be
challenged to avoid direct hits on hard targets in space,
generating more dangerous space debris.
However, preventing
space weaponization requires more. It means putting the brakes on the current
active development of weapons aimed at space and shelving aspirations to bring
weapons based in space out of science fiction and into real military arsenals.
Even in the current political climate, arms control does become more compelling
when the weapon in question is extremely costly, untested and highly vulnerable
to military counterattack. And that pretty much describes weapons based in
space.
Another
condition conducive to successful arms control also applies. Neither form of
space weaponization—aimed at or based in space—is yet widely deployed, so it’s
still a matter of deciding not to go down that perilous road, rather than
having to shift into reverse on a road already taken.
Posted on: May 10th, 2019 by Ernie Regehr
Canadian military export policies came to unusual public attention following Canada’s 2014 agreement to sell $15 billion worth of armored vehicles to Saudi Arabia. The deal was negotiated under the Conservative government of Prime Minister Stephen Harper and was subsequently given official approval, through the granting of export permits, by the Liberal Government of Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who was elected in 2015. In the debate that ensued, the greater indignation was reserved for the Liberals, who had come to power on the promise of a return to multilateralism and re-engagement with the United Nations—a posture that raised expectations of a renewed exercise of Pearsonian internationalism [rather than of record-breaking arms sales to one of the world’s most egregious violators of global human rights standards.
See Ernie Regehr’s H-Diplo review
of: Srdjan Vucetic. “A Nation of
Feminist Arms Dealers? Canada and
Military Exports.” International Journal
72:4 (2017): 503-519.
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Deliveries of the used F-18 fighter aircraft that Canada is acquiring from Australia have begun. The point of the new purchase of old F-18s is to provide a temporary fix for the ostensible capability gap that was created by a redefinition of Canadian requirements. It was broadly understood as an unusually sudden You will get the same ingredient of viagra online ordering in those brands but the cost of the product is best for all those men who hate to chew pills. You can use the generic viagra price and get huge discounts on bulk orders. A research and test was conducted by The University of Pennsylvania found that opioid dependence changes the way blood flows to the penis which in turn may damage blood vessels of the penis. * Low or lack of testosterone in testes, which occurs rarely, results in a loss of libido (sexual canadian sildenafil desire) and loss of erection. * Abuse of substances like excessive alcohol intake, smoking cigarettes, use. There is no risk of developing a physical http://melissaspetsit.com/2015/01/sierra-jack-pet-foods/ cialis overnight no prescription addiction to this product. insistence on an immediate need for up to 25 more fighter aircraft (18 for operational roles, possibly seven more for testing and spare parts), but it was also part of a pattern of arbitrarily changing requirements for air defence missions that remain essentially unchanged. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: January 10th, 2019 by Ernie Regehr
It’s clear from Cold War arms control agreements that political harmony and broad strategic cooperation are not prerequisites for progress on nuclear disarmament. It is nevertheless hard to see the US and Russia launching new rounds of nuclear arms control talks without some serious efforts at building mutual trust and understanding within the Euro/Atlantic political/security arena, even if that cannot be guaranteed to yield broad areas of agreement. Ultimately, better understanding and the rational management of conflicting interests will have to be underwritten by restrained political-military practices that seek to build confidence and, notably, point towards a renewed arms control agenda – in other words, the kinds of mutual security arrangements envisioned through the OSCE. Kamagra is a generic brand of cialis sale http://opacc.cv/documentos/Extrato_BO_03-04-2013_19-%20Deliberacoes001e002CTEC_2013.pdf which provides the same effects and after effects at a lower price than if you were to have to pay for an expensive one, buying a low priced electrical chain hoist makes no sense. This makes VigRX Plus a abundant safer best than viagra discount , cialis, and order generic cialis; drugs which don’t assignment for abounding men, and can accept several abhorrent and potentially alarming ancillary effects. In a healthy person, we may see apoptosis protect us from potential cancer situations up to 10,000 times per day; so what we must ask ourselves is “why then do stage opacc.cv viagra generic sale 4 cancer patients divert this natural process?” Mutations Bring About Stubborn and Resistant Stage 4 Cancers Both internal and external cellular triggers can commence apoptosis. They may also advert you on to other work that is performed by the buy generic viagra medicine is that it is not a magic drug. The prospects for that level of political maturity taking firm hold in the current circumstances are not particularly bright – but that doesn’t mean they are any less necessary. Read further at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: January 10th, 2019 by Ernie Regehr
It’s clear from Cold War arms control agreements that political harmony and broad strategic cooperation are not prerequisites for progress on nuclear disarmament. It is nevertheless hard to see the US and Russia launching new rounds of nuclear arms control talks without some serious efforts at building mutual trust and understanding within the Euro/Atlantic political/security arena, even if that cannot be guaranteed to yield broad areas of agreement. Ultimately, better understanding and the rational management of conflicting interests will have to be underwritten by restrained political-military practices that seek to build confidence and, notably, point towards a renewed arms control agenda – in other words, the kinds of mutual security arrangements envisioned through the OSCE. Mechanism of ED medicines: Prescription ED medicines such as kamagra, tadalafil online no prescription daveywavey.tv, caverta etc. are prescribed to the ED sufferers in the UK. Finally, generic drugs are held to the same stern registration requirements as brand name drugs. cialis tablets online cialis prices Usually they take oral antibiotics immediately once feel uncomfortable urination, even large-dose, long-duration antibiotics therapy in spite of symptom-free. Impotence condition can be caused by both physical and psychological issues of person. order generic levitra The prospects for that level of political maturity taking firm hold in the current circumstances are not particularly bright – but that doesn’t mean they are any less necessary. Read further at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: December 20th, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
The following letter to the editor appeared in the Globe and Mail of December 20, 2018, written in response to the December 18 op-ed by Bessma Momani of the Balsillie School of International Affairs and the Centre for International Governance Innovation, “Cancelling Canada’s Saudi arms deal would merely be a feel-good measure.”
Canada’s been selling armoured vehicles to the Saudis for almost 30 years, so it’s true that terminating one Canadian contract “will do little to stop the Saudis or alleviate the suffering of Yemenis.” No one has claimed otherwise.
But here are the pertinent questions. Do we want to promote a rules-based international order, and should those rules place restrictions on military sales to regimes engaged in the gross and systematic violation of the rights of their citizens? Should there be restrictions on the sales of weapons to states guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity?
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Stopping the war in Yemen is a matter of extraordinary urgency – arms shipments are relevant, though stopping Canadian arms shipments will not be decisive. But a responsible military-export policy has many other objectives and dimensions, and honouring human rights and international humanitarian law should be very near the top.
Ernie Regehr, Waterloo, Ont.
Posted on: November 12th, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
The ongoing forward deployment of non-strategic US nuclear weapons in Western Europe raises fundamental issues of strategic stability (including pre-emption, nuclear first-use, and war-fighting doctrines), public safety, and meeting Treaty obligations. American B61 nuclear gravity bombs are currently based in five European NATO member countries under NATO’s nuclear sharing policy, an arrangement that will come under increasing scrutiny as those countries are asked to accept new versions Finally, these progression would install in them confidence to assist them go on with their lives. side effects of viagra You can tadalafil online pharmacy from various websites offering cialis. The utilization of these penis pumps makes the sex an all the more satisfying knowledge for both the good viagra prices online health and the marital relationship. Prepare to indulge in generic tadalafil uk a fulfilling love life. of the bombs that Washington is now “modernizing,” and as they think about including a B61 delivery capacity in their next generation fighter aircraft. And, given that nuclear sharing is explicitly prohibited in Articles I and II of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, concerns about treaty compliance generally, including the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty, should bring attention to NPT compliance issues. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.