Canada and the Audacity of a Ban on Nuclear Weapons

The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) arrived in 2017 as a new and audacious addition to the nuclear arms control and disarmament landscape. It has not been an altogether comfortable fit – generating both ardent support and fierce opposition, with NATO notably aligned with the latter. The most recent iteration of Canada’s opposition to the TPNW offers but two basic criticisms: 1) “the Treaty does not contain credible provisions for monitoring and verification” of disarmament; 2) “the Treaty’s provisions are inconsistent with Canada’s collective defense obligations” as a member of NATO. ED- Increasing MalaiseSexual problems in men can seem taboo, but they are very common specially ED viagra cipla india (Erectile Dysfunction) or impotence. discount cialis pill Do you have any idea why India is preferred as a medical tourist destination by foreign patients? Well the most obvious answer is best health care facilities at low cost. For example, some people prefer Creams/Oils/Lotions so that they can take joy in letting their partner apply these products which results in sexual bonding and frolicsome fun. 3) Ejaculation Enhancers to Increase Semen: Volume of Semen is the symptom secretworldchronicle.com generic cialis 100mg of abnormal flow of the blood. The heart and diabetic patients should take generic cialis price extra care of a woman while making love to her.  To bridge these divides, both sides would benefit from a clearer appreciation for what the new treaty does not and does bring to the central commitment that supporters and critics alike continue to profess – namely, the pursuit of a world without nuclear weapons. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.

“Soft Security Responses to Hard Power Competition”

Combat “Spillover” – into and out of the Arctic

The likelihood that internal Arctic disputes would rise to crisis levels in danger of escalating to armed combat in any foreseeable future is by all accounts remote. The worries about armed combat in the arctic centre instead on the possibility that war between Russia and NATO away from the Arctic, somewhere in Europe, would spill into the Arctic. In an East/West war in Europe, combat could spill both into and out of the Arctic by virtue of each side seeking advantage by attacking the other’s war-making capacity away from the immediate theater of operations.

Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.
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Towards Canadian Nuclear Disarmament Action

The following letter from Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention welcomes the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, noting that inasmuch as the Biden Administration will help to create a more favourable climate for arms control and disarmament, Canada must take advantage of this opportune moment to support and publicly call for action on key measures (briefly described) to promote real reductions in stockpiles and to reduce the risks of nuclear use.

January 25, 2021

The Honourable Marc Garneau, PC, CC, CD, MP
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Global Affairs Canada
Lester B. Pearson Building
125 Sussex Drive
Ottawa, ON
K1A 0G2

Dear Mr. Garneau,

On behalf of Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (CNWC), we congratulate you on your
appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs. In this moment of multiple global crises – the pandemic, the
climate crisis, and the heightened threat of a nuclear weapons catastrophe – the responsibilities of the
Foreign Minister and of Global Affairs Canada are extraordinarily important, and we write to welcome you into this key role and to wish for you strength and wisdom as you carry out your work.

As you know, CNWC is a project of the Canadian Pugwash Group and is endorsed by more than 1,000
influential Canadians, all of whom have been honoured by the Order of Canada. Our basic call, which you have supported, is for the international community to begin formulating the terms of a global nuclear weapons convention, the kind of instrument needed to codify all the agreements, regulations,
institutional arrangements, and verification measures essential for accomplishing the prohibition and
irreversible elimination of nuclear weapons. We understand such a convention to be a long-term undertaking in support of the universally affirmed goal of a world without nuclear weapons and that, in the meantime, there are urgent initiatives and measures to be taken to reduce the risks of nuclear use and to reduce nuclear arsenals on the path to zero.

CNWC has regularly written to the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister to make the case that the old ways of trying to build security — through escalating military threats and counter-threats — rob us of the focus,  human ingenuity, and resources needed to advance the security of the most vulnerable. The perversion of global priorities in the prevailing militarized understanding of security is best illustrated by the ongoing failure to properly fund the global Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and the failure to mount a globally coordinated response to the present pandemic. It becomes clearer with each day that only an over-riding commitment to human security – building sustainable health systems, ensuring access to clean water and affordable housing, pursuing environmentally responsible food production and credible responses to climate change, and disarmament – will forge a path to durable peace and security.

The nuclear crisis is dangerously escalating. Nuclear weapons states are rushing to modernize their still
bulging arsenals, and the disarmament/arms control architecture is in a state of collapse following the
abandonment of a succession of key treaties: including the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (in 2001), the
Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (in 2007), the Iran nuclear deal (abandoned by the US in 2018), the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces agreement (in 2019), and the Treaty on Open Skies (2020). The 1996 Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty still lacks key ratifications needed for it to enter into force. For more than two decades the UN’s designated forum for negotiating treaties, the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament, has been deadlocked and has made no progress on a promised treaty, actively championed by Canada, to block further production of fissile materials for weapons purposes.

One notable bright spot in this grim picture has been the successful negotiation, adoption, and entry-into-force on January 22 of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. The TPNW is a breakthrough achievement. Supported by a majority of United Nations members, it bans nuclear weapons possession by States Parties to the Treaty, paralleling the treaties banning biological and chemical weapons. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres calls it an “historic” development that will “form an important component of the nuclear disarmament and non- proliferation regime,” and that will reinforce the global norm against nuclear weapons.

We reiterate our call for Canada to join the TPNW while continuing its support of the foundational Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). We, of course, anticipate that the incoming Biden Administration in the United States will help to create a more favourable climate for arms control and disarmament, and we urge Canada to take advantage of this opportune moment to support and publicly call for action on key measures to promote real reductions in stockpiles and to reduce the risks of nuclear use. We thus again urge Canada to:

• Encourage the United States to extend the New START Treaty with Russia and commence
  negotiations towards a follow-on Treaty of deeper cuts;
• Work with like-minded partners to call on NATO to revise its Strategic Concept to radically reduce
  and ultimately eliminate its reliance on nuclear weapons, and to remove all US tactical nuclear
  weapons from the territories of NATO partner states in Europe;
• Call on the United States and Russia to declare they will never be the first to use nuclear weapons;
• Encourage all nuclear weapon states to remove all their nuclear weapons from high alert status;
  and
• Encourage the US, NATO, Russia, and China to commence ongoing talks on the conditions and
  requirements for strategic stability and disarmament.

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We urge you and the Government to make nuclear arms control and disarmament a national priority. We are confident that Canadian political leaders who publicly and regularly acknowledge the nuclear crisis, and who advance constructive responses, will have the enduring support of Canadians. We are also well aware of, and deeply appreciate, the work of the skilled officials and diplomats in Global Affairs Canada on this file. They need to be publicly supported and encouraged at the highest political levels.

Please be assured of our continued support for constructive disarmament initiatives. We look forward to
hearing your responses to the above recommendations, and to learning the details of your planned
attention the existential nuclear weapons threat more broadly.

Sincerely,
Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (CNWC):
Ernie Regehr, O.C. (Chair)
Adele Buckley
Bev Delong
Cesar Jaramillo
Douglas Roche, O.C.
Jennifer Simons, C.M.

cc: The Hon. Harjit S. Sajjan, PC, OMM, MSM, CD, MP, Minister of National Defence
The Hon. Michael Chong, PC, MP
Stéphane Bergeron, MP
Jack Harris, MP
Elizabeth May, OC, MP

Russia’s Arctic Defense Posture 

The Arctic and World Order is a Johns Hopkins University project which editors Kristina Spohr and Daniel S. Hamilton describe as an exploration of the “…political, legal, social, economic, geostrategic and environmental challenges confronting the Arctic in the face of global warming and a shifting world order….”

Here is the link for my contribution:

Chapter 8 – “Military Infrastructure and Strategic Capabilities: Russia’s Arctic Defense Posture” by Ernie Regehr

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The links for free download of the complete book or purchase of hard copy below. 

The Arctic and World Order

Kristina Spohr and Daniel S. Hamilton, Editors
Jason C. Moyer, Associate Editor

List of Chapters:

Foreword

Introduction – From Last Frontier to First Frontier: The Arctic and World Order by Kristina Spohr and Daniel S. Hamilton

Chapter 1 – Shifting Ground: Competing Policy Narratives and the Future of the Arctic by Oran R. Young

Chapter 2 – Conservation in the Arctic by Henry P. Huntington

Chapter 3 – Greenland, the Arctic, and the Issue of Representation: What is the Arctic? Who Has a Say? by Inuuteq Holm Olsen

Chapter 4 – A Tipping Point for Arctic Regimes: Climate Change, Paradiplomacy, and a New World Order by Victoria Herrmann

Chapter 5 – Russia and the Development of Arctic Energy Resources in the Context of Domestic Policy and International Markets by Arild Moe

Chapter 6 – Governance and Economic Challenges for the Global Shipping Enterprise in a Seasonally Ice-Covered Arctic Ocean by Lawson Brigham

Chapter 7 – Climate Change and the Opening of the Transpolar Sea Route: Logistics, Governance, and Wider Geo-economic, Societal and Environmental Impacts by Mia M. Bennett, Scott R. Stephenson, Kang Yang, Michael T. Bravo, and Bert De Jonghe

Chapter 8 – Military Infrastructure and Strategic Capabilities: Russia’s Arctic Defense Posture by Ernie Regehr

Chapter 9 – Freedom of the Seas in the Arctic Region by J. Ashley Roach

Chapter 10 – Constant and Changing Components of the Arctic Regime by Alexander N. Vylegzhanin

Chapter 11 – The U.S.-Canada Northwest Passage Disagreement: Why Agreeing to Disagree Is More Important Than Ever by Suzanne Lalonde

Chapter 12 – Power, Order, International Law, and the Future of the Arctic by Nengye Liu

Chapter 13 – The ‘Regime’ Nature of the Arctic: Implications for World Order by Lassi Heininen

Chapter 14 – Arctic Exceptionalisms by P. Whitney Lackenbauer and Ryan Dean

Chapter 15 – The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Three Levels of Arctic Geopolitics by Andreas Østhagen

Chapter 16 – Inside, Outside, Upside Down? Non-Arctic States in Emerging Arctic Security Discourses by Marc Lanteigne

About the Authors

• DOWNLOAD
• PURCHASE

 

The Pandemic and DND’s Public Service Mandate

Public awareness of Canadian Armed Forces’ (CAF) aid to civilian governments and agencies has once again come to the fore in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. Military assistance to civil authorities is routine in Canada and variously includes emergency help in law enforcement, humanitarian relief, natural disaster recovery, and search and rescue. From the earliest days of the present pandemic, critically important CAF resources have been mobilized. Having this viagra pills wholesale condition can truly affect the sexual life of every man. Autism becomes evident upon the child’s first three years in life. http://www.4frontimports.com/ sildenafil uk Penegra is made up of Sildenafil Citrate which is essential & administrating as an efficient anti- impotent medicinal drug that causes men to cheap discount viagra live free from erectile dysfunction. That’s the reason you’ll need a quiet resort to return to his or her purchasing this cialis usa online normal routine. An emerging question is whether these core civilian support roles, for which there is increasing demand, should be elevated for priority attention in military planning, training, and procurement, or whether they should continue to be treated as spin-offs from the primary combat-readiness focus of the Armed Forces. Continue Reading… at The Simons Foundation.

Should Canada’s military be restructured to increase its response to health crises and natural disasters?

Ernie Regehr and David Bercuson debate the issue in a “Face to Face” discussion in Legion Magazine, July 2, 2020.

Ernie begins the debate: “Early in the COVID-19 pandemic, the Canadian Armed Forces declared it was ready to mobilize up to 24,000 troops to “assist with humanitarian support, wellness checks, natural disaster responses and other tasks as required.”

“By mid-April, Canadian Rangers were assisting pandemic response efforts in Northern Quebec communities and CAF medical teams were deploying to alleviate staffing shortages in long-term care centres.
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“Manitoba floods, Toronto snowstorms, eastern ice storms, western forest fires, Northern Ontario drinking water emergencies—all these have involved military mobilizations in support of civilian authorities.

Read More

Time to mobilize the briefcases against Arctic ASW ops

One of the more troubling manifestations of re-emerging big power competition in the Arctic is the apparent determination of both the US and Russia to demonstrate their willingness to mount destabilizing anti-submarine warfare operations in the Barents Sea and the North Atlantic.

Continue reading at The Simons Foundation Canada.

The North Warning System (NWS) and “what we cannot defeat”

When a Canadian Armed Forces official recently told an Ottawa security conference that “we cannot deter what we cannot defeat, and we cannot defeat what we cannot detect,” his audience may well have heard it as the credible proclamation of a prudent and resolute defence posture. In truth, the statement seems to run If you are not getting perfect blood flow in the penile region to cause harder and longer lasting erection viagra from canada pharmacy for men during intercourse. At the same time, the workers need regular physical examination.Source: Paul Pasko is a training professional with interest in eLearning, technology, and performance support. cheap cialis 5mg http://foea.org/?product=6602 It has created viagra canada no prescription a negative impact on many people. Men want to get buy viagra buy and maintain a hard erection when they are stimulated with sexual intimacy. counter to decades of defence policy and practice. It ignores the inconvenient reality that there is no defence against a nuclear attack, even though current and planned early warning systems ensure that such an attack would be reliably detected. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.

Disarmament Diplomacy in the Age of Putin and Trump

UN officials are not usually given to overstatement, which makes the recent assessment by the UN’s top disarmament diplomat that “the barriers to the use of nuclear weapons are lower than they’ve been since the darkest days of the Cold War,” all the more arresting.

The Secretary-General’s High Representative for Disarmament, Izume Nakamitsu offers a blunt assessment. Not only are arms control and disarmament “going backwards,” but that leaders of the major nuclear-weapon states are once again indulging in the “alarming” rhetoric of fighting and winning nuclear wars – a notion, she says, that “should have been consigned to history.”

Continue reading to the CIPS Blogs.