Nuclear Disarmament

Canada and the Limits to Missile Defence

Posted on: July 29th, 2021 by Ernie Regehr

Speculation about Canada joining the North American component of the Pentagon’s ballistic missile defence (BMD) system of systems makes periodic appearances in Canadian defence discourse – though direct participation has never gained broad political support. Now, with a more “progressive” Democrat back in the White House and NORAD modernization moving up the continental defence agenda, the Canada-and-BMD Ancient Fruit As early as biblical times, the pomegranate amerikabulteni.com cheapest online viagra existed. Next time, you take this medicine, remember its positive effects and take it happily. levitra consultation This helps in improving the function of heart is to regulate oxygen supply using blood flow to generic order viagra the male penis by relaxing the blood vessels and muscles in the penis to maintain the required amount of good quality digestive enzymes and bicarbonate. It works competently with all the support of one s efficient generic cialis cipla try over here factor called Vardenafil, which gets familiar in combating with erectile dysfunction. question could be cued for another round of attention. The context undeniably includes a persistent threat to North America from strategic range, nuclear-armed, missiles, but the American “homeland” missile defence system, due to technical and strategic constraints, offers no defence against the overwhelming majority of missiles aimed at North America. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.

Letter to the Prime Minister: “The escalating threat of nuclear use”

Posted on: June 6th, 2021 by Ernie Regehr

An April 2021 Nanos Poll found 80 percent of Canadians agree that the world should work to eliminate nuclear weapons, and 74 percent agree that Canada should join the new Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons; 73 percent agree, even in the face of strong pressure from the US not to do so. As world crises worsen, the global goal of eliminating nuclear weapons is urgent and should be a national
priority. Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (a project of the Canadian Pugwash Group, endorsed by more than 1,000 distinguished Canadians, all of whom have been honoured by the Order of Canada) urges Canadian action. 

 

May 26, 2021

The Right Honourable Justin Trudeau, P.C., M.P.
Prime Minister of Canada
Office of the Prime Minister
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa, ON
K1A 0A2

Dear Prime Minister,

Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (CNWC) has regularly written to you and the Minister of
Foreign Affairs in recent years, warning that strategic instability and regional crises are in danger of
escalating out of control, increasing the threat of nuclear attacks. We have urged that Canada move
beyond old approaches to one that builds global security, rejects the temptation to seek stability in
nuclear threats and counter threats, turns with renewed emphasis to dialogue and diplomatic responses
to conflict, and redoubles diplomatic efforts in support of nuclear arms control and disarmament.

We regret that we have not received substantive responses to our communications, yet we persist,
mindful of our responsibility as informed citizens to bring the nuclear peril and realistic responses to it to the attention of policymakers.

We appreciate your Government’s attention to the climate crisis and the current pandemic, and we
encourage you to persist and intensify those efforts and to devote increased resources to address the
needs and well-being of the world’s most vulnerable. Our focus in CNWC is the need to recognize the
reality of the dangerous and escalating threat of nuclear use, and thus we especially urge you to publicly
acknowledge this threat and to speak directly to Canadians about your Government’s response to it.

The threat of nuclear use – whether deliberately, by accident, or through miscalculation – has been
impressed anew upon us in recent weeks by incidents such as the intensifying confrontation in Ukraine,
President Putin’s threat that those who cross Russia’s “red lines” will “regret [their actions] in a way they
never have before,” President Biden’s recent statement that the United States will defend Japan using its
“full range of capabilities, including nuclear,” and a tweet from the U.S. Strategic Command that
contemporary conflicts could lead adversaries to resort to nuclear use as “their least bad option.” In the
context of full-bore nuclear “modernization” in all states with nuclear weapons, the nuclear danger is real and growing.

In four on-line webinar sessions held during the course of Winter 2020-21, CNWC, a project
of the Canadian Pugwash Group and supported by more than 1,000 distinguished Canadians, all of whom have been honoured by the Order of Canada, engaged an international group of arms
control/disarmament experts to address the growing threat of a nuclear catastrophe in the context of
disturbing strategic instability, the accelerating climate crisis, and the unnerving and persistent reality of
a global pandemic.

We were again reminded that the world’s nuclear arsenals, far from being the “supreme guarantee of
security,” as NATO officially puts it, represent instead a potent and existential threat to the planet while
at the same time being utterly impotent in the struggles to face the climate crisis, pandemic perils, and a
broad range of threats to the safety and well-being of vulnerable populations the world over.

Through expert analysis and dialogue, this series of events developed a set of concrete proposals for
Canadian action, set out in four sections below:
• NPT (the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons) and its forthcoming Review
Conference;
• TPNW (Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons) and its January 2021 entry into force;
• NATO and the need to challenge its continuing insistence that nuclear weapons and the threat
to use them are central to the collective security of its member states; and
• Public support for Nuclear Disarmament.

We look forward to your substantive response to the following analysis and recommendations.

NPT

When disarmament experts turn their minds to the forthcoming NPT review conference, they tend to
agree on three fundamental points:
1) It is critically important for the continuing credibility of the Treaty and for disarmament prospects
that the review produce a constructive final document;
2) At the 2000 and 2010 Review Conferences the NPT states agreed on a set of measures to advance
nuclear disarmament – what is now required is the political will to fulfill these commitments; and
3) The intransigent refusal of nuclear-weapon states to act to meet their Article VI obligations “to
pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures” for disarmament will continue unless
non-nuclear-weapon states, including those that, like Canada, are allied to one or more of the
nuclear powers, mount a collective challenge to the nuclear powers.

We note that the 2021–22 Departmental Plan for Global Affairs Canada includes a reference to
“strengthening the foundations of international arms control and disarmament, notably to reinforce the NPT.” In this moment, an important way to strengthen the NPT is to challenge nuclear-weapon states to take advantage of the forthcoming review conference to demonstrate a commitment to action on the Treaty’s Article VI disarmament obligations by, at a minimum, taking the following steps:
• Collectively renew their commitment to the “unequivocal undertaking [to]…accomplish the total
elimination of their nuclear arsenals,” and “to undertake further efforts to reduce and ultimately
eliminate all types of nuclear weapons, deployed and non-deployed, including through
unilateral, bilateral, regional and multilateral measures.”
• Reiterate the 1985 statement by U.S. President Ronald Reagan and Soviet leader Mikhail
Gorbachev that “a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought.”
• Agree to take concrete steps, like de-alerting, to reduce the risks of accidental use of nuclear
weapons.
• Acknowledge the need for significantly increased transparency regarding their nuclear arsenals
and doctrines, and recognize that nuclear-weapon states are accountable to all States Parties to
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Canada, as a supporter, along with 15 other countries, of the Stockholm Initiative, is well placed to work
collaboratively to ensure that the initiative’s 22 “stepping stones” are adequately reflected in the review
conference outcome document. We appreciate that Canada has joined with Sweden and Germany in
writing to President Biden to urge serious consideration of the proposals.

TPNW

We again express our disappointment at the Government’s failure to welcome the TPNW as a positive
contribution to global efforts to overcome the long-term and dangerous failure of nuclear-weapon states
to meet their NPT disarmament obligations. It is broadly recognized that implementation of the NPT’s
Article VI requirement for “effective measures” toward eliminating nuclear arsenals requires additional
political, administrative, and legal instruments that are external to the NPT. The Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and the proposed treaty on fissile material controls are examples of critically important legal
instruments to support implementation of Article VI. The TPNW is another such instrument.

As a new legal instrument, the TPNW adds nuclear weapons to the list of weapons of mass destruction,
along with chemical and biological weapons, subject to legally binding prohibitions. It reflects the urgency with which the majority in the international community view the need for nuclear disarmament action, and it constitutes a formal declaration by a significant portion of the planet (by population and territory) that nuclear weapons are unacceptable on the grounds that their extraordinary humanitarian and environmental consequences put them in violation of International Humanitarian Law and “the principles of humanity and the dictates of public conscience.” The TPNW sets out the legal prohibitions that are mandated by that conclusion and challenges all states with nuclear weapons to bring their national security policies into line with fundamental humanitarian and human rights principles.

Daryl G. Kimball, executive director of Washington’s Arms Control Association, refers to the TPNW as “a
powerful reminder that for the majority of the world’s states, nuclear weapons — and policies that
threaten their use for any reason — are immoral, dangerous, and unsustainable.” And as former Canadian Ambassador for Disarmament Paul Meyer has noted, “the purpose of the treaty over the longer term is to stigmatize nuclear weapons as immoral and illegal weapons of mass destruction.”

The irreversible presence of the TPNW on the arms control/disarmament landscape makes it impossible
to credibly ignore the growing legal/moral consensus that any actual use of such weapons would be a
crime against humanity and a violation of International Humanitarian Law. The challenge for Canada (and for other “nuclear umbrella” states) is thus to recognize that fundamental changes to their security
policies are required to bring them into conformity with the principles of humanity. We encourage Canada to participate as an observer in the forthcoming first meeting of the States Parties to the TPNW.

NATO

The requirement to bring security policies into strict conformity with International Humanitarian Law has serious implications for NATO. The alliance’s current Strategic Concept insists that nuclear forces are “the supreme guarantee of the security of the Allies,” but it also commits NATO “to the goal of creating the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons.” Canada has sought, as it explained last year in a statement to the UN First Committee, to reconcile its support for nuclear weapons as essential to its security with its support for “policies and practices to eliminate nuclear weapons.” Indeed, nuclear-weapon states have long asserted the same dual commitments – to nuclear weapons and to a world
without nuclear weapons – but the credibility of their disarmament commitments is belied by the fervour with which they pursue nuclear modernization and the stolid determination with which they ignore disarmament.

The credibility of the Canadian and NATO commitment to a world without nuclear weapons is
commensurate with the extent of their willingness to muster diplomatic energy and tangible resources
toward that end. As a NATO partner, Canada has both the obligation and the opportunity to press for
alternatives to security policies based on threats of nuclear devastation. At a minimum, the Government
should thus act on the still relevant 2018 recommendation of the House of Commons Standing Committee on National Defence “that the Government of Canada take a leadership role within NATO in beginning the work necessary for achieving the NATO goal of creating the conditions for a world free of nuclear weapons.” We urge your Government to work with like-minded partners in NATO to revise the Alliance’s Strategic Concept and defence posture to end reliance on nuclear weapons.

One concrete measure of NATO’s commitment to ending its reliance on a nuclearized security posture
would be for the European non-nuclear-weapon state members of NATO that now host U.S. nuclear
weapons on their territories to end such arrangements and for all U.S. nuclear weapons to be returned to
home territory.

Canadian diplomatic engagement should also promote dialogue toward a new kind of relationship
between NATO and Russia. The point is not to ignore the latter’s violations of international law or serious human rights abuses, but to recognize that nuclear weapons have no role to play in addressing those violations. Indeed, Canada should encourage NATO and the United States to undertake ongoing talks with both Russia and China on the conditions and requirements for strategic stability and nuclear disarmament. The Stockholm Initiative “stepping stones” endorsed by Canada call for just such intensified dialogue on strategic stability and to “foster mutual understanding and trust and setting the frame for future arms control and disarmament.”

Public support for Nuclear Disarmament

Vigorous Canadian engagement on nuclear disarmament would win overwhelming public support. An
April 2021 Nanos Poll found 80 percent of Canadians agree that the world should work to eliminate
nuclear weapons, and that 74 percent agree that Canada should join the TPNW, with that support level
remaining at 73 percent, even in the face of strong pressure from the United States not to do so. That
unambiguous support can embolden your Government to recast nuclear disarmament efforts as a
national priority.

We are aware that Canada is not in a position, on its own, to bring major influence to bear on the global
nuclear crisis. That is true for Canada in any global endeavour, but Canada does have a seat at key tables,
including NORAD and NATO, at which nuclear deterrence issues are addressed. Canada has the company of like-minded states at the NATO table and thus the opportunity to seriously explore new directions. We can assure you from our engagement with international arms control and disarmament experts, and our engagement with the Canadian public, that a more assertive, principled, and humanitarian approach to the nuclear crisis would be widely welcomed.

As always, we acknowledge the work of the skilled diplomats and officials in Global Affairs Canada who
carry out Canada’s disarmament diplomacy. It is our sense that the Department’s work on disarmament
would benefit from explicit and public endorsement by the Prime Minister, and from an ambitious set of
instructions and policy directives. In that regard, we are disappointed that the 2019 and 2021 mandate
letters to the Minister of Foreign Affairs make no reference to nuclear weapons or to arms control and
disarmament. In a context of mounting nuclear dangers, that omission is unacceptable.

In looking forward to your substantive response to the ideas and proposals set out above, we convey to
you our good wishes and hopes for the Canadian government’s creative and responsible response to the
truly extraordinary set of global challenges we now face.

Sincerely,

Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (CNWC):
Ernie Regehr, O.C. (Chair)
Dr. Adele Buckley
Bev Tollefson Delong
Cesar Jaramillo
The Hon. Douglas Roche, O.C.
Dr. Jennifer Allen Simons, C.M.

cc: The Hon. Marc Garneau, P.C, C.C., C.D., M.P., Minister of Foreign Affairs
The Hon. Harjit S. Sajjan, P.C., O.M.M., M.S.M., C.D., M.P., Minister of National Defence
The Hon. Erin O’Toole, P.C., C.D., M.P., Leader of the Opposition
Jagmeet Singh, M.P., Leader of the New Democratic Party
Yves-François Blanchet, M.P., Leader of the Bloc Québécois
Annamie Paul, Leader of the Green Party of Canada

Canada and the Audacity of a Ban on Nuclear Weapons

Posted on: April 19th, 2021 by Ernie Regehr

The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) arrived in 2017 as a new and audacious addition to the nuclear arms control and disarmament landscape. It has not been an altogether comfortable fit – generating both ardent support and fierce opposition, with NATO notably aligned with the latter. The most recent iteration of Canada’s opposition to the TPNW offers but two basic criticisms: 1) “the Treaty does not contain credible provisions for monitoring and verification” of disarmament; 2) “the Treaty’s provisions are inconsistent with Canada’s collective defense obligations” as a member of NATO. ED- Increasing MalaiseSexual problems in men can seem taboo, but they are very common specially ED viagra cipla india (Erectile Dysfunction) or impotence. discount cialis pill Do you have any idea why India is preferred as a medical tourist destination by foreign patients? Well the most obvious answer is best health care facilities at low cost. For example, some people prefer Creams/Oils/Lotions so that they can take joy in letting their partner apply these products which results in sexual bonding and frolicsome fun. 3) Ejaculation Enhancers to Increase Semen: Volume of Semen is the symptom secretworldchronicle.com generic cialis 100mg of abnormal flow of the blood. The heart and diabetic patients should take generic cialis price extra care of a woman while making love to her.  To bridge these divides, both sides would benefit from a clearer appreciation for what the new treaty does not and does bring to the central commitment that supporters and critics alike continue to profess – namely, the pursuit of a world without nuclear weapons. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.

Towards Canadian Nuclear Disarmament Action

Posted on: January 30th, 2021 by Ernie Regehr

The following letter from Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention welcomes the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, noting that inasmuch as the Biden Administration will help to create a more favourable climate for arms control and disarmament, Canada must take advantage of this opportune moment to support and publicly call for action on key measures (briefly described) to promote real reductions in stockpiles and to reduce the risks of nuclear use.

 

January 25, 2021

The Honourable Marc Garneau, PC, CC, CD, MP
Minister of Foreign Affairs
Global Affairs Canada
Lester B. Pearson Building
125 Sussex Drive
Ottawa, ON
K1A 0G2

Dear Mr. Garneau,

On behalf of Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (CNWC), we congratulate you on your
appointment as Minister of Foreign Affairs. In this moment of multiple global crises – the pandemic, the
climate crisis, and the heightened threat of a nuclear weapons catastrophe – the responsibilities of the
Foreign Minister and of Global Affairs Canada are extraordinarily important, and we write to welcome you into this key role and to wish for you strength and wisdom as you carry out your work.

As you know, CNWC is a project of the Canadian Pugwash Group and is endorsed by more than 1,000
influential Canadians, all of whom have been honoured by the Order of Canada. Our basic call, which you have supported, is for the international community to begin formulating the terms of a global nuclear weapons convention, the kind of instrument needed to codify all the agreements, regulations,
institutional arrangements, and verification measures essential for accomplishing the prohibition and
irreversible elimination of nuclear weapons. We understand such a convention to be a long-term undertaking in support of the universally affirmed goal of a world without nuclear weapons and that, in the meantime, there are urgent initiatives and measures to be taken to reduce the risks of nuclear use and to reduce nuclear arsenals on the path to zero.

CNWC has regularly written to the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister to make the case that the old ways of trying to build security — through escalating military threats and counter-threats — rob us of the focus,  human ingenuity, and resources needed to advance the security of the most vulnerable. The perversion of global priorities in the prevailing militarized understanding of security is best illustrated by the ongoing failure to properly fund the global Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) and the failure to mount a globally coordinated response to the present pandemic. It becomes clearer with each day that only an over-riding commitment to human security – building sustainable health systems, ensuring access to clean water and affordable housing, pursuing environmentally responsible food production and credible responses to climate change, and disarmament – will forge a path to durable peace and security.

The nuclear crisis is dangerously escalating. Nuclear weapons states are rushing to modernize their still
bulging arsenals, and the disarmament/arms control architecture is in a state of collapse following the
abandonment of a succession of key treaties: including the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (in 2001), the
Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (in 2007), the Iran nuclear deal (abandoned by the US in 2018), the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces agreement (in 2019), and the Treaty on Open Skies (2020). The 1996 Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty still lacks key ratifications needed for it to enter into force. For more than two decades the UN’s designated forum for negotiating treaties, the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament, has been deadlocked and has made no progress on a promised treaty, actively championed by Canada, to block further production of fissile materials for weapons purposes.

One notable bright spot in this grim picture has been the successful negotiation, adoption, and entry-into-force on January 22 of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. The TPNW is a breakthrough achievement. Supported by a majority of United Nations members, it bans nuclear weapons possession by States Parties to the Treaty, paralleling the treaties banning biological and chemical weapons. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres calls it an “historic” development that will “form an important component of the nuclear disarmament and non- proliferation regime,” and that will reinforce the global norm against nuclear weapons.

We reiterate our call for Canada to join the TPNW while continuing its support of the foundational Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). We, of course, anticipate that the incoming Biden Administration in the United States will help to create a more favourable climate for arms control and disarmament, and we urge Canada to take advantage of this opportune moment to support and publicly call for action on key measures to promote real reductions in stockpiles and to reduce the risks of nuclear use. We thus again urge Canada to:

  • Encourage the United States to extend the New START Treaty with Russia and commence
    negotiations towards a follow-on Treaty of deeper cuts;
  • Work with like-minded partners to call on NATO to revise its Strategic Concept to radically reduce
    and ultimately eliminate its reliance on nuclear weapons, and to remove all US tactical nuclear
    weapons from the territories of NATO partner states in Europe;
  • Call on the United States and Russia to declare they will never be the first to use nuclear weapons;
  • Encourage all nuclear weapon states to remove all their nuclear weapons from high alert status;
    and
  • Encourage the US, NATO, Russia, and China to commence ongoing talks on the conditions and
    requirements for strategic stability and disarmament.

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We urge you and the Government to make nuclear arms control and disarmament a national priority. We are confident that Canadian political leaders who publicly and regularly acknowledge the nuclear crisis, and who advance constructive responses, will have the enduring support of Canadians. We are also well aware of, and deeply appreciate, the work of the skilled officials and diplomats in Global Affairs Canada on this file. They need to be publicly supported and encouraged at the highest political levels.

Please be assured of our continued support for constructive disarmament initiatives. We look forward to
hearing your responses to the above recommendations, and to learning the details of your planned
attention the existential nuclear weapons threat more broadly.

Sincerely,
Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (CNWC):
Ernie Regehr, O.C. (Chair)
Adele Buckley
Bev Delong
Cesar Jaramillo
Douglas Roche, O.C.
Jennifer Simons, C.M.

cc: The Hon. Harjit S. Sajjan, PC, OMM, MSM, CD, MP, Minister of National Defence
The Hon. Michael Chong, PC, MP
Stéphane Bergeron, MP
Jack Harris, MP
Elizabeth May, OC, MP

Russia’s Arctic Defense Posture 

Posted on: January 18th, 2021 by Ernie Regehr

The Arctic and World Order is a Johns Hopkins University project which editors Kristina Spohr and Daniel S. Hamilton describe as an exploration of the “…political, legal, social, economic, geostrategic and environmental challenges confronting the Arctic in the face of global warming and a shifting world order….”

Here is the link for my contribution:

Chapter 8 – “Military Infrastructure and Strategic Capabilities: Russia’s Arctic Defense Posture” by Ernie Regehr

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The links for free download of the complete book or purchase of hard copy below. 

The Arctic and World Order

Kristina Spohr and Daniel S. Hamilton, Editors
Jason C. Moyer, Associate Editor

List of Chapters:

Foreword

Introduction – From Last Frontier to First Frontier: The Arctic and World Order by Kristina Spohr and Daniel S. Hamilton

Chapter 1 – Shifting Ground: Competing Policy Narratives and the Future of the Arctic by Oran R. Young

Chapter 2 – Conservation in the Arctic by Henry P. Huntington

Chapter 3 – Greenland, the Arctic, and the Issue of Representation: What is the Arctic? Who Has a Say? by Inuuteq Holm Olsen

Chapter 4 – A Tipping Point for Arctic Regimes: Climate Change, Paradiplomacy, and a New World Order by Victoria Herrmann

Chapter 5 – Russia and the Development of Arctic Energy Resources in the Context of Domestic Policy and International Markets by Arild Moe

Chapter 6 – Governance and Economic Challenges for the Global Shipping Enterprise in a Seasonally Ice-Covered Arctic Ocean by Lawson Brigham

Chapter 7 – Climate Change and the Opening of the Transpolar Sea Route: Logistics, Governance, and Wider Geo-economic, Societal and Environmental Impacts by Mia M. Bennett, Scott R. Stephenson, Kang Yang, Michael T. Bravo, and Bert De Jonghe

Chapter 8 – Military Infrastructure and Strategic Capabilities: Russia’s Arctic Defense Posture by Ernie Regehr

Chapter 9 – Freedom of the Seas in the Arctic Region by J. Ashley Roach

Chapter 10 – Constant and Changing Components of the Arctic Regime by Alexander N. Vylegzhanin

Chapter 11 – The U.S.-Canada Northwest Passage Disagreement: Why Agreeing to Disagree Is More Important Than Ever by Suzanne Lalonde

Chapter 12 – Power, Order, International Law, and the Future of the Arctic by Nengye Liu

Chapter 13 – The ‘Regime’ Nature of the Arctic: Implications for World Order by Lassi Heininen

Chapter 14 – Arctic Exceptionalisms by P. Whitney Lackenbauer and Ryan Dean

Chapter 15 – The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Three Levels of Arctic Geopolitics by Andreas Østhagen

Chapter 16 – Inside, Outside, Upside Down? Non-Arctic States in Emerging Arctic Security Discourses by Marc Lanteigne

About the Authors

 

Time to mobilize the briefcases against Arctic ASW ops

Posted on: June 8th, 2020 by Ernie Regehr

One of the more troubling manifestations of re-emerging big power competition in the Arctic is the apparent determination of both the US and Russia to demonstrate their willingness to mount destabilizing anti-submarine warfare operations in the Barents Sea and the North Atlantic.

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Continue reading at The Simons Foundation Canada.

The North Warning System (NWS) and “what we cannot defeat”

Posted on: March 14th, 2020 by Ernie Regehr

When a Canadian Armed Forces official recently told an Ottawa security conference that “we cannot deter what we cannot defeat, and we cannot defeat what we cannot detect,” his audience may well have heard it as the credible proclamation of a prudent and resolute defence posture. In truth, the statement seems to run If you are not getting perfect blood flow in the penile region to cause harder and longer lasting erection viagra from canada pharmacy for men during intercourse. At the same time, the workers need regular physical examination.Source: Paul Pasko is a training professional with interest in eLearning, technology, and performance support. cheap cialis 5mg http://foea.org/?product=6602 It has created viagra canada no prescription a negative impact on many people. Men want to get buy viagra buy and maintain a hard erection when they are stimulated with sexual intimacy. counter to decades of defence policy and practice. It ignores the inconvenient reality that there is no defence against a nuclear attack, even though current and planned early warning systems ensure that such an attack would be reliably detected. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.

Disarmament Diplomacy in the Age of Putin and Trump

Posted on: February 11th, 2020 by Ernie Regehr

UN officials are not usually given to overstatement, which makes the recent assessment by the UN’s top disarmament diplomat that “the barriers to the use of nuclear weapons are lower than they’ve been since the darkest days of the Cold War,” all the more arresting.

The Secretary-General’s High Representative for Disarmament, Izume Nakamitsu offers a blunt assessment. Not only are arms control and disarmament “going backwards,” but that leaders of the major nuclear-weapon states are once again indulging in the “alarming” rhetoric of fighting and winning nuclear wars – a notion, she says, that “should have been consigned to history.”

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Continue reading to the CIPS Blogs.

CNWC Letter to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau

Posted on: January 23rd, 2020 by Ernie Regehr

Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention have written a letter, signed by 89 prominent Canadians, to the Prime Minister, urging specific Canadian actions in support of nuclear disarmament broadly and key measures to ensure a positive outcome at the April Review Conference of the Treaty on the Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT.

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“As is the case in its response to the climate crisis, Canada on its own will not make the decisive difference in efforts to overcome the nuclear crisis. But in the past, Canada was helpful in working actively with like-minded states to strengthen the NPT.  Another such moment, crying out for creative diplomacy, has arrived. Canada is challenged to call upon its store of political standing and diplomatic ability to work to save the NPT at its Review Conference April 27-May 22, 2020. A bridge between the nuclear and non-nuclear weapons states can best be built by adopting recommendations put forward last year by the Chairman of the Conference’s preparatory process.

“Canada should thus give leadership to a proposal to lead off the coming NPT Review Conference with a Ministerial-level declaration that would offer broad support to those recommendations by: a) recognizing the existential nuclear threat and reinforcing the urgency of the moment; b) recognizing the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear use by reiterating the Reagan-Gorbachev dictum that “a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought;” and c) reaffirming the disarmament steps and actions – including the “unequivocal undertaking” by the nuclear powers “to accomplish the total elimination of their nuclear arsenals” – that were approved by consensus at the 2000 and 2010 Review Conferences.”

Read the full letter, in English and French, here.

Is the North Warning System obsolete?

Posted on: January 2nd, 2020 by Ernie Regehr

The American commander of Norad claims that today’s security environment is “more competitive and dangerous” than any in recent generations, and that makes the case for modernizing the North Warning System. But upgrades to this northern transcontinental line of surveillance radars—deployed in support of sovereignty, air defence and frontier controls—are necessary regardless of threat levels.

The NWS joins Pacific and Atlantic coastal radars in monitoring air approaches to Canadian territory. Norad and the Canadian Armed Forces track and identify some 200,000 civilian aircraft that approach or enter Canadian airspace annually. The mission is to sort out which of those represent challenges to Canadian security, law enforcement or public safety.

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“The point of the NWS, is and will remain, domain awareness—awareness of events within and in the approaches to Canadian territory—and modernization of the system should be driven less by the return of “great power politics” and more by an acknowledgement that domain awareness is as important in peacetime as in crisis.”

See the  debate  at “Face to Face” in Legion Magazine…