Nuclear Disarmament
Posted on: May 30th, 2019 by Ernie Regehr
A single
provocative sentence about China deploying nuclear-armed submarines in the
Arctic led much of the commentary on the Pentagon’s May 2019 report on developments
in the Chinese military. The reference was obviously meant to stoke alarm, and
as long as competitive nuclear weapons “modernization” proceeds apace – especially
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one day be capable of conducting submarine patrols in the Arctic, but that
doesn’t answer the question of why they would want to. Continue reading at The
Simons Foundation.
Posted on: January 10th, 2019 by Ernie Regehr
It’s clear from Cold War arms control agreements that political harmony and broad strategic cooperation are not prerequisites for progress on nuclear disarmament. It is nevertheless hard to see the US and Russia launching new rounds of nuclear arms control talks without some serious efforts at building mutual trust and understanding within the Euro/Atlantic political/security arena, even if that cannot be guaranteed to yield broad areas of agreement. Ultimately, better understanding and the rational management of conflicting interests will have to be underwritten by restrained political-military practices that seek to build confidence and, notably, point towards a renewed arms control agenda – in other words, the kinds of mutual security arrangements envisioned through the OSCE. Kamagra is a generic brand of cialis sale http://opacc.cv/documentos/Extrato_BO_03-04-2013_19-%20Deliberacoes001e002CTEC_2013.pdf which provides the same effects and after effects at a lower price than if you were to have to pay for an expensive one, buying a low priced electrical chain hoist makes no sense. This makes VigRX Plus a abundant safer best than viagra discount , cialis, and order generic cialis; drugs which don’t assignment for abounding men, and can accept several abhorrent and potentially alarming ancillary effects. In a healthy person, we may see apoptosis protect us from potential cancer situations up to 10,000 times per day; so what we must ask ourselves is “why then do stage opacc.cv viagra generic sale 4 cancer patients divert this natural process?” Mutations Bring About Stubborn and Resistant Stage 4 Cancers Both internal and external cellular triggers can commence apoptosis. They may also advert you on to other work that is performed by the buy generic viagra medicine is that it is not a magic drug. The prospects for that level of political maturity taking firm hold in the current circumstances are not particularly bright – but that doesn’t mean they are any less necessary. Read further at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: December 4th, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
The Arctic is the primary home of Russia’s nuclear ballistic missile submarine force. That fleet, like its American counterpart, is being “modernized,” the subs are patrolling more often, and, inevitably, American attack submarines are paying increasing attention. Four decades ago, in a climate of intense Cold War confrontation and nuclear dangers, when American and Soviet ballistic missile submarines and the attack subs that trailed them roamed the oceans, strategists, peace researchers, and some military planners grew intensely worried about the strategic instability wrought by such dangerous cat and mouse maneuvers. online prescription cialis The jelly increases the flow of blood in penis resulting in an erected penis. Consume http://opacc.cv/opacc/wp-content/uploads/2010/08/documentos_contabilistas_Modelo%2039.pdf generic levitra online two capsules of Shilajit ES two times daily with water or milk after meals. The pills help discount viagra improve relationship with your partner by improving your love-life. However, you may adopt the following techniques and measures to achieve desired results: opacc.cv generic professional cialis Never resort to enlargement products or surgical methods. That in turn led to innovative proposals for anti-submarine-warfare-free zones as one way of easing tensions and, especially, as a means of reducing the risks that mishaps, miscalculations, or miscommunications would escalate out of control. The Arctic figured prominently in those proposals – the essential elements of which continue to have merit and, unfortunately, relevance. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: November 12th, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
The ongoing forward deployment of non-strategic US nuclear weapons in Western Europe raises fundamental issues of strategic stability (including pre-emption, nuclear first-use, and war-fighting doctrines), public safety, and meeting Treaty obligations. American B61 nuclear gravity bombs are currently based in five European NATO member countries under NATO’s nuclear sharing policy, an arrangement that will come under increasing scrutiny as those countries are asked to accept new versions Finally, these progression would install in them confidence to assist them go on with their lives. side effects of viagra You can tadalafil online pharmacy from various websites offering cialis. The utilization of these penis pumps makes the sex an all the more satisfying knowledge for both the good viagra prices online health and the marital relationship. Prepare to indulge in generic tadalafil uk a fulfilling love life. of the bombs that Washington is now “modernizing,” and as they think about including a B61 delivery capacity in their next generation fighter aircraft. And, given that nuclear sharing is explicitly prohibited in Articles I and II of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, concerns about treaty compliance generally, including the Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces Treaty, should bring attention to NPT compliance issues. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: November 9th, 2018 by admin
Two Canadian groups with a long history of engaging the Government of Canada on nuclear disarmament policy priorities – The Canadian Network to Abolish Nuclear Weapons and Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (a project of the Canadian Pugwash Group) – have written to the Prime Minister, drawing attention to the escalating nuclear threat and setting out a comprehensive program for Canadian Action.
November 9, 2018
The Rt. Hon. Justin Trudeau
Prime Minister of Canada
Dear Prime Minister,
The Canadian Network to Abolish Nuclear Weapons and Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention write in the face of a deepening global nuclear crisis to urge you and your Government to make crisis de-escalation and persistent and intensified disarmament diplomacy a national priority.
The following draws your attention to four elements of this escalating nuclear threat and identifies ways in which Canada can help move the international community, including our allies in NATO, to a more effective pursuit of the collective goal of a world without nuclear weapons. We fear, along with the International Pugwash movement, that without urgent action, we will witness the “disintegration of the current arms control regime.” And we join Pugwash in warning that “decades of effort to build an architecture of restraint are unravelling because key lessons from the early Cold War years seem to have been forgotten.”
Nuclear dangers
First among the troubling elements of the deepening nuclear threat is the radical deterioration of East/West relations, notably the heightened tensions between Russia and NATO. The refusal to engage in sustained diplomacy and strategic dialogue, in a serious effort to set a durable foundation on which to de-escalate tensions and build mutual security, points to a future of grave uncertainty and repeated bouts of political hostility and military sabre rattling that threaten to spiral out of control.
A second and related element of the current nuclear crisis is the dysfunctional state of bilateral and multilateral arms control/disarmament institutions and practices. One manifestation of this dysfunction is the Geneva-based Conference on Disarmament’s decades-long obstruction, due in part to antiquated procedural rules, of efforts by Canada and like-minded states to achieve a treaty to control fissile materials for weapons purposes. At the same time, the fully approved Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty continues to languish under an unusually daunting entry-into-force provision. Of particular worry is the current absence of any bilateral US/Russia or multilateral strategic arms control and disarmament talks, even as Washington prepares to abrogate the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty and questions the value of the 2011 New START Treaty. The growing fragility of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is indisputable, and without action by the nuclear weapon state parties to show good faith in addressing their Article VI disarmament obligations, the 2020 Review Conference is destined to fail and non-nuclear weapon states will increasingly question the value and wisdom of their unrequited compliance with the non-proliferation provisions of this essential Treaty.
Third, the current nuclear weapons “modernization” programs will have obvious and long-term deleterious implications for disarmament and, if not curbed, will result in chronic destabilization and escalating of risks of nuclear use. Re-armament programs are especially intense in the United States and Russia, but, in fact, all states with nuclear weapons are engaged in either “improving” or expanding their arsenals. Among those programs are the development of smaller and more accurate nuclear weapons which are welcomed by some as more “useable” – potentially leading political and military leaders alike to conclude that a limited nuclear strike could achieve specific military objectives without incurring nuclear retaliation. But escalation to nuclear use will not be confined to a single attack. This dangerous move toward nuclear use options is exacerbated by moves to deploy conventional and nuclear warheads on the same weapons systems, obscuring the conventional/nuclear divide and thus dramatically increasing the danger of nuclear use in a crisis.
Fourth, the current fourfold nuclear crisis is given special immediacy by the continuing stand-off on the Korean Peninsula and by Washington’s determined effort to destroy the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action – JCPOA). The crisis of North Korea shows some tantalizing hints of progress, nevertheless it remains in the custody of unstable political leadership in both Pyongyang and Washington, and to that uncertainty is added Washington’s sustained attempt to sabotage the JCPOA’s effective verification of Iran’s commitment not to pursue a nuclear weapon.
A call to Canadian action
It is, of course, true that Canada alone cannot single-handedly alleviate and reverse these dangerous threats, but even on its own, Canada can be squarely on the side of restraint, diplomacy, negotiations, and a reset of global security dynamics away from military competition and in favour of mutuality and interdependence.
That said, as a quintessential middle power, Canada will find its most constructive impact in common with other states. Successive Canadian Governments have argued that membership in NATO gives Canada a seat at an important table, and now is the time to use the place at that table to build coalitions of support for a more stable, less polarized, less militarized and ultimately denuclearized world. NATO is directly engaged and implicated in the current nuclear crises, and it is incumbent on Canada to find, or more importantly, to create opportunities for collective action for disarmament within the Alliance.
At a civil society conference, held in Ottawa on October 1, 2018 under the sponsorship of Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention (CNWC) and the Canadian Network for the Abolition of Nuclear Weapons (CNANW), participants identified a number of key measures for collective action designed to ease the existing nuclear crises and move the world toward an international political environment that will be more conducive to disarmament – towards actually advancing the daunting process of dismantling the nuclear sword of Damocles.
In this moment of crisis, Canadians need a national Government that is acutely aware of the nuclear dangers that confront us, and one that acts with courage and foresight to advance practical measures to rein in nuclear arsenals and revitalize the stabilizing nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime. We have been deeply disappointed that, beyond actions in support of a treaty to control fissile materials for weapons purposes, an important but hardly sufficient response to the totality of the nuclear threat, your Government has been largely quiescent on the nuclear disarmament file. It is time for Canada to rise above the present inertia and take on the mantle of a determined middle power seized of the urgency of the moment and willing to exert leadership in all the forums in which the nuclear question figures prominently (notably the United Nations First Committee and General Assembly, the NPT Review Conferences, and the North Atlantic Council).
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We further urge your Government to give substance to such a recommitment by pursuing the following proposals and initiatives and actively seeking the support and collaboration of like-minded states within and beyond NATO:
1. It is urgent that NATO and Russia undertake a serious security and strategic stability dialogue, and such an initiative needs champions within NATO. We are heartened by the OSCE’s structured dialogue, launched in 2016, which is currently focused on important East/West military security issues and the avoidance of escalation and disastrous miscalculation, but without a much broader security dialogue that also explores the re-invigoration of cooperative security mechanisms, military tensions will continue to fuel increased military spending, provocative exercises, and perpetual tensions. We urge Canada to become a consistent, persistent voice for East/West dialogue that stays the course, even in the face of egregious violations of international norms and laws.
2. We also call on you and your Government to publicly acknowledge that the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is under threat, and that to save the Treaty the nuclear weapon states will have to take explicit measures to demonstrate their acknowledgement of, and commitment to, the disarmament that is required of them under the Treaty.
Disarmament action that Canada should prominently support includes:
a) a call to preserve the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, to forthrightly address suspected violations, and to establish the longer-term goal of multilateralizing the Treaty, a stance consistent with Canada’s well-established work in support of ballistic missile controls and preventing the spread of ballistic missile technologies;
b) calls for the New START Treaty to be extended beyond February 2021 and for Russia and the United States to immediately begin negotiations toward further reductions to be formalized in a successor strategic arms control treaty; and
c) urging the hold-out states to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, and insisting that work towards a fissile materials control treaty be taken out of the Conference on Disarmament and pursued through multilateral negotiations authorized by the UN General Assembly – treaties to ban nuclear testing and to ban the production of fissile materials for weapons purposes were commitments made in 1995 as conditions of the indefinite extension of the NPT.
3. In response to nuclear powers “modernizing” their nuclear arsenals, Canada should work within NATO to support initiatives that would permanently reduce and ultimately eliminate the role of nuclear weapons in the Alliance’s defence policy, by:
a) adopting, in its collective declarations, realistic language about the dangers of nuclear weapons and insisting that nuclear disarmament, not nuclear deterrence, must be a key part of the “guarantee” and foundation for global security;
b) ending NATO’s nuclear sharing policy by which nuclear weapons are deployed in the territories of non-nuclear weapons states in the Alliance, and thus urging the repatriation of all US nuclear weapons (the B61 bombs) now in Europe back to the United States (and in the process finally moving NATO states into compliance with Articles I and II of the NPT); and
c) urging the Alliance to declare that it will never be the first to use nuclear weapons in a military conflict.
4. We also call on Canada to emphasize the critical importance of preserving the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action on Iran and to call for a similar suite of verifiable de-nuclearization commitments to be established for North Korea and the entire Korean peninsula. The successful verifiable and irreversible rejection of nuclear weapons by both states is essential for the international community to have confidence in the non-proliferation regime embodied in the NPT and the safeguard system of the International Atomic Energy Agency.
Prime Minister, we are keenly aware of the daunting array of challenges that Canada faces. Climate change, environmental responsibility, and the urgent need to ween our society from its dependence on fossil fuels are themselves an overwhelming agenda, yet we know that they only head a long list of issues that require the diligent attention of you and your Government. Nevertheless, we implore you to assign nuclear disarmament a much higher priority among the issues and challenges you address. The nuclear threat is real and is made all the more urgent by the failure of responsible leadership in today’s Washington and Moscow. The international nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime needs more of Canada, working alongside other like-minded states bent on helping the world retreat from the nuclear precipice.
The above proposals set out a constructive, comprehensive agenda for reinvigorated Canadian nuclear disarmament diplomacy. We commend them to you and look forward to receiving your response to each of the points made and policies proposed, and we will be pleased to share that response with our supporters and the 19 civil society organizations represented in our networks.”
Sincerely,
Ernie Regehr
Chair, CNWC Steering Committee
Bev Delong
Chair, CNANW Executive Committee
Posted on: November 8th, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
Last June there was all-party support for an extraordinary recommendation by the House of Commons Standing Committee on National Defence. It called on the Canadian Government to “take a leadership role within NATO in beginning the work necessary for achieving the NATO goal of creating the conditions for a world free Men involved in bicycling, spinning and even horse-riding increases the generic viagra soft risk of bleeding and women who take anticoagulant and antiplatelet medications should not use this herb. The effect of one pill lasts for a longer duration cialis super which is in turn beneficial to us. Such level is present in the sildenafil 100mg women’s bodies as well, however, in considerably smaller amounts. The most powerful and at the buy levitra line same time the girl cannot make satisfied to the boy. of nuclear weapons.” In October, the Government responded to say it agrees with the recommendation but essentially argued that its current policies and activities already constitute such leadership. A closer look at NATO’s nuclear posture indicates there is still plenty of room for improvement. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: October 25th, 2018 by admin
A letter to Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland on President Donald Trump’s declared intention to pull the United States out of the US-Russian Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty.
October 25, 2018
The Hon. Chrystia Freeland, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Global Affairs Canada
125 Sussex Drive
Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
K1A 0G2
Dear Minister Freeland,
We write to strongly urge you and your Government to publicly and persistently object to the Trump Administration’s plan to withdraw from the US-Russian Intermediate-range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty and to call for maintaining and revitalizing the international nuclear arms control, nonproliferation, and disarmament regime.
We are well aware of US charges that Russia is in violation of the Treaty, and we also note, as has a recent US Congressional Research Report, that Russia has identified three current and planned US military programs that it charges are or will be in violation of the Treaty. The way to resolve these serious charges is not by abandoning hard won, and in the case of the INF, historically important Treaties. We thus urge the Government of Canada to join with its European allies to insist that the United States and Russia resolve their differences at the negotiating table and by honoring their disarmament obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. As the German Foreign Minister, Heiko Maas, has put it, it is our collective responsibility to leave “no stone unturned in the effort to bring Washington and Moscow back to the table…”
The threatened abrogation of the INF Treaty pushes the world toward a dangerous tipping point. All states with nuclear weapons are already embarked on expensive and destabilizing “modernization” programs. We fear that if the Trump Administration proceeds with abandoning this Treaty without major push back from allies like Canada, it will also abandon the New START Treaty (which will expire in February 2021 if the US and Russia do not extend it). That would end all formal restraints on nuclear weapons programs and would lead to an unthinkably perilous acceleration of the nuclear arms races that are already underway.
We implore you and the Government of Canada to act with urgency and persistence and to stand for a return to the careful, painstaking, and unrelenting diplomacy of nuclear arms control and disarmament.
Sincerely,
Murray Thomson, OC
David Silcox, CM
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Ernie Regehr, OC, Chair, CNWC Steering Committee
Cesar Jaramillo
Bev Delong
Adele Buckley
Cc: The Rt. Hon. Justin Trudeau, Prime Minister
The Hon. Andrew Scheer, Leader of the Opposition and Leader of the Conservative Party
Jagmeet Singh, Leader of the New Democratic Party
Elizabeth May, Leader of the Green Party
Rhéal Fortin, Interim Leader of the Bloc Québécois
The Hon. Peter Harder, the Government’s representative in the Senate
Members of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development
Canadians for a Nuclear Weapons Convention
Rassemblement canadien pour une convention sur les armes nucléaires
www.nuclearweaponsconvention.ca
A project of Canadian Pugwash Group 56 Douglas Drive, Toronto, ON M4W 2B3
Email: cnwc@pugwashgroup.ca
Posted on: April 21st, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
No single issue has yet emerged as a central focus for the coming NATO Summit. Priorities listed by the NATO Secretary-General, as well as by some member States, include the need to reinforce alliance deterrence and defence (in the face of Russia’s new assertiveness, is how it’s usually framed), burden sharing (code for increased military spending as well as a greater military role for the European Union), reinforcement of transatlantic Here, the article talks about some very useful and effective cheapest levitra prices super foods provide longer and harder erections for more pleasing sexual activities. Even the start of working the medicine and also its affordability people started preferring Kamagra only. cheap sildenafil uk This is because if they were sold in pills the claims that they sold for only non-consumption buy generic viagra research will be invalidated. Sometimes, these clever marketers skulk around message boards and other internet forums cialis cheap generic and just copy all of the email addresses for each of the people who require this medicine daily. solidarity (code for trying to manage President Trump), projecting stability (a nod to continuing out-of-area or counter-terrorism operations), and attention to cybersecurity. Disarmament tends not to make such lists, but at least three nuclear issues warrant scrutiny and action by the NATO leaders: ballistic missile defence, the forward-basing of US non-strategic nuclear weapons in Europe, and the ongoing nuclear posture of the alliance. Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: March 30th, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
Cruise missiles recently made the front pages when President Vladimir Putin marshaled impressive audiovisuals to hype Russian strides in developing new and sinister military technologies. Cruise missiles were included but concerns regarding them didn’t just arrive with his speech. They have figured prominently, for just one example, in the current Canadian and American intention to replace the Arctic-based North Warning System.1 Cruise missiles pose a two-fold challenge: the unavoidable Eating smaller meals more often throughout the day is the best approach. viagra 25 mg It enables to get the enough cialis levitra viagra http://pamelaannschoolofdance.com/category/uncategorized/ erection for sexual intercourse. The medications available on our website are approved by the FDA and are manufactured as per industry standards. viagra in italy For a search engine optimization company to order viagra overnight be on the lookout for interactions or unwanted effects. reality that there is no credible defence against long-range nuclear-armed cruise missiles; and, the related and equally inescapable reality that the only way to manage them in the long term is through internationally negotiated control agreements. The latter challenge is obviously made all the more daunting by a current political climate that is less than conducive to anything quite that rational.
Continue reading at The Simons Foundation.
Posted on: January 20th, 2018 by Ernie Regehr
It’s hard to believe, but less than a decade ago, academics, policy analysts, and even officials were exploring US-NATO-Russia cooperation on ballistic missile defence – begging the question: why is that no longer considered an appropriate subject for polite company? Missile defence cooperation is still happening, of course, but it’s between Russia and China on one side and among the US and its friends and allies on the other. Unless, however, missile defence is pulled back from its current competitive dynamic to one of east-west accommodation and cooperation, nuclear tensions, and arsenals, will only grow. Canada has joined the competitive fray in Europe through NATO, but, to its credit, continues to resist direct involvement in the strategic North American version of ballistic missile defence.
Continue Reading at The Simons Foundation.
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